Municipal Reform
Resistance is futile
JOHN BARBER
jbarber@globeandmail.com
February 26, 2008
Some future history of the Miller regime will comment on how much of its agenda was dictated by the McGuinty government - not just the usual master-slave business of provincial-municipal relations, but the good stuff for which Mayor Miller will rightly gain credit.
Exhibit A will be Regulation No. 152 of the City of Toronto Act, 2006, in which the province reserved for itself the right to impose a sharply hierarchal structure on the city's democratic but ineffective city council. Everything the mayor is now proposing to do on that crucial matter - slowly and cautiously, responding to the invitation of not one but two blue-ribbon panels - was laid out there, clearly and emphatically, two years ago.
An enthusiastic province would have likely dictated the whole strong-mayor package at the outset, had only the mayor shown more enthusiasm for that reform - or more understanding of its necessity. Deferring to the mayor's resistance, it decided instead to plant the needed reforms like a delayed-fuse bomb in the Toronto Act, ready to be set off by remote control should Hizzoner continue to dither.
In his response to the latest blue-ribbon panel, Premier Dalton McGuinty brushed past questions about road tolls in order to praise "a really important opportunity for council to give the mayor of the day the authority ... to exercise leadership on behalf of Toronto."
Mayor Miller doesn't even have a caucus, the premier noted. How does that work? "He's got to find a way to get the authority to drive some macro issues, to deliver on a macro agenda, and he lacks that authority at this point in time."
As it happens, that way is mapped out in detail in Regulation No. 152, which includes all the reforms subsequently recommended by the panels and now adopted by the mayor. In other words, Mayor Miller is getting with the program.
It's not the first time he has tacked adroitly at provincial suggestion. He ignored the revenue-grabbing opportunities embedded in the Toronto Act when it first became law, insisting that fiscal reform meant more money from the province, not Toronto taxpayers. He quietly but decisively recanted the moment city finance officials told him how much he could raise with an itty-bitty land-transfer tax.
It sure wasn't his idea, but he was clever enough to run with it. Today, Mayor Miller is earning a reputation as the man of a million fees - and a balanced budget. Talk of a "new deal" with the province has become distinctly old.
The same process is now unfolding with respect to the strong-mayor package, although the incumbent has better reason to balk in this matter. Power grabs are trickier than money grabs. Despite the visible evidence of impending force, as in Reg. 152, respectable cover is needed.
With two blue-ribbon panels and the province providing all the permission he needs, the mayor intends to grab what's laid before him - just as he did with the new tax opportunities. But it wasn't his idea. It emerged despite his genuine but unfortunate loyalty to the old republic - in this case Metro Toronto, his political cradle, where the bureaucrats ran everything and the sober statespeople lunched well.
The biggest losers in the new regime will be the councillors. Their influence on legislation, especially the budget, will be diminished to the extent the mayor's influence is increased - and they know it. But the momentum for change is such that none dare resist.
The mayor's opponents are already co-opted by the recommendations of the panel they forced the mayor to convene in a moment of mistaken triumph. Even Mayor Miller is powerless to resist.
Way to go, Svengali.