unimaginative2:
You're right about much, though not all, of the US being 'purple' rather than purely blue or red, but this...
"Without Quebec, we're not much different from the U.S. in terms of liberalism and conservatism."
...is most certainly untrue, imo, unless you are talking strictly in terms of social conservatism, and even then there are significant differences, both historical and contemporary. Because the terms 'liberal' and 'conservative' are more slippery and confusing than ever, it's difficult to get a handle on what's what anymore, but it's very probably still safe to say that your average/median Canadian is considerably more 'liberal' than your average/median America. Like, a
lot more, especially concerning such issues as: individualism vs. collectivism; health care; weapons and the use of violence to solve problems; crime and punishment; and our respective countries' role in the world and foreign policy.
Archivistower:
"As for Americans, I think the only event that will ever shock them enough to bring them to the point where they can view themselves and their culture as the mixture of good and evil that it is, is when they do something so horribly catastrophic that the conflict with themselves becomes unavoidable. I hope I'm not around to see it."
I also hope not to be around to witness this likely eventuality (though I strongly suspect that we all will be), but I don't think it'll have the effects that you envision, unfortunately: the persistently obstinate half of Americans still consider the atomic bombs dropped on Japan to have been justified, for instance:
"Overall, 47 percent of those surveyed approved of dropping the bombs on Japan while 46 percent disapproved, according to the poll of 1,000 conducted by Ipsos-Public Affairs from March 21-23 (2005)"
(
24hour.startribune.com/24...8945c.html )
If you can rationalize a nuking, you can rationalize anything, and I expect that any future atrocity, no matter how horrific, will be similarly supported, apparently endlessly, by the same old half-or-so of the population that is always on board with this kind of thing, and all in the enduring name of 'freedom', 'national defense', 'we're at war', etc.
Imo, it's gonna happen again, sooner rather than later - the groundwork is being laid right now. All they're really waiting for in the current climate is a pretense in the form of a major crisis or apparent terrorist incident (especially one involving something described as a WMD), or even the perceived/alleged threat thereof, which are hardly unlikely scenarios in the near future.
from
www.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-...0502a3.htm ...
"The U.S. military is considering allowing regional combatant commanders to request presidential approval for pre-emptive nuclear strikes against possible attacks with weapons of mass destruction on the United States or its allies, according to a draft nuclear operations paper.
The March 15 paper, drafted by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, is titled "Doctrine for Joint Nuclear Operations," providing "guidelines for the joint employment of forces in nuclear operations . . . for the employment of U.S. nuclear forces, command and control relationships, and weapons effect considerations."
"There are numerous nonstate organizations (terrorist, criminal) and about 30 nations with WMD programs, including many regional states," the paper says in recommending that commanders in the Pacific and other theaters be given an option of pre-emptive strikes against "rogue" states and terrorists and "request presidential approval for use of nuclear weapons" under set conditions.
The paper identifies nuclear, biological and chemical weapons as requiring pre-emptive strikes to prevent their use.
Allowing pre-emptive nuclear strikes against possible biological and chemical attacks would effectively contradict a "negative security assurance" policy declared 10 years ago by the Clinton administration during an international conference to review the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.
Creating a treaty committing nuclear powers not to use nuclear weapons against countries without nuclear weapons remains one of the most contentious issues for the 35-year-old NPT regime."
Also see:
www.reason.com/links/links050405.shtml
The following does a good job of expanding on your observations re the infantile and extremely dangerous good/evil dichotomy all too common in the American mind...
(from “A Citizen's Response to the National Security Strategy of the United States of Americaâ€, by Wendell Berry, Orion online, Mar/Apr 2003)
"The new National Security Strategy published by the White House in September 2002, if carried out, would amount to a radical revision of the political character of our nation. Its central and most significant statement is this: While the United States will constantly strive to enlist the support of the international community, we will not hesitate to act alone, if necessary, to exercise our right of self defense by acting preemptively against such terrorists... (p. 6).
Much of the obscurity of our effort so far against terrorism originates in this now official idea that the enemy is evil and that we are (therefore) good, which is the precise mirror image of the official idea of the terrorists. The epigraph of Part III of The National Security Strategy contains this sentence from President Bush's speech at the National Cathedral on September 14, 2001: "But our responsibility to history is already clear: to answer these attacks and rid the world of evil." A government, committing its nation to rid the world of evil, is assuming necessarily that it and its nation are good. But the proposition that anything so multiple and large as a nation can be "good" is an insult to common sense. It is also dangerous, because it precludes any attempt at self criticism or self correction; it precludes public dialogue. It leads us far indeed from the traditions of religion and democracy that are intended to measure and so to sustain our efforts to be good...
...Thomas Jefferson justified general education by the obligation of citizens to be critical of their government: "for nothing can keep it right but their own vigilant and distrustful superintendence." An inescapable requirement of true patriotism, love for one's land, is A Vigilant Distrust of any determinative power, elected or unelected, that may preside over it.
It is no wonder that the National Security Strategy, growing as it does out of unresolved contradictions in our domestic life, should attempt to compound a foreign policy out of contradictory principles. There is, first of all, the contradiction of peace and war, or of war as the means of achieving and preserving peace This document affirms peace; it also affirms peace as the justification of war and war as the means of peace and thus perpetuates a hallowed absurdity. But implicit in its assertion of this (and, by implication, any other) nation's right to act alone in its own interest is an acceptance of war as a permanent condition. Either way, it is cynical to invoke the ideas of cooperation, community, peace, freedom, justice, dignity, and the rule of law (as this document repeatedly does), and then proceed to assert one's intention to act alone in making war.
One cannot reduce terror by holding over the world the threat of what it most fears. This is a contradiction not reconcilable except by a self righteousness almost inconceivably naive. The authors of the strategy seem now and then to be glimmeringly conscious of the difficulty. Their implicit definition of "rogue state," for example, is any nation pursuing national greatness by advanced military capabilities that can threaten its neighbors -- except our nation. If you think our displeasure with "rogue states" might have any underpinning in international law, then you will be disappointed to learn on page 31 that We will take the actions necessary to ensure that our efforts to meet our global security commitments and protect Americans are not impaired by the potential for investigations, inquiry, or prosecution by the International Criminal Court (ICC), whose jurisdiction does not extend to Americans and which we do not accept. The rule of law in the world, then, is to be upheld by a nation that has declared itself to be above the law. A childish hypocrisy here assumes the dignity of a nation's foreign policy.
Since the end of World War II, when the terrors of industrial warfare had been fully revealed, many people and, by fits and starts, many governments have recognized that peace is not just a desirable condition, as was thought before, but a practical necessity. But we have not yet learned to think of peace apart from war. We wait, still, until we face terrifying dangers and the necessity to choose among bad alternatives, and then we think again of peace, and again we fight a war to secure it.
At the end of the war, if we have won it, we declare peace; we congratulate ourselves on our victory; we marvel at the newly-proved efficiency of our latest weapons; we ignore the cost in lives, materials, and property, in suffering and disease, in damage to the natural world; we ignore the inevitable residue of resentment and hatred; and we go on as before, having, as we think, successfully defended our way of life..."